TOMAS: “ERITREAN SOLUTIONS FOR ERITREAN PROBLEMS”… DO MORE HARM TO THE CAUSE THAN GOOD

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For the last two decades Eritreans seem desperate failing to build a “New Eritrea“after waging their blood to their “miraculous independence”. The most significant value of the struggle: “Everything is possible; nothing is impossible.”   The mass based struggle resisted and defeated bigger Ethiopia initially supported by USA and later by USSR throughout the struggle of the Eritrean people for independence. Foreign support to Eritrean cause was intermittent and meager; Eritreans robustly concentrated on its own internal potentiality and capacity mobilizing its citizens inside and outside of the country.

Nonetheless, currently, the growing notion of ‘self-defeatism’, ‘self-centrism’ and ‘self-mismanagement’ has begun to devaluate the internal initiatives, motivation, potentiality, resources and intellect to bring a fundamental changes in Eritrea. Most of the time ‘practical change’ comes from few citizens who own brave heart and live with the spirit of resilience and persistence. Thomas argues in his short article, “’Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems’… do more harm to the cause than good”.

The Government of Eritrea becomes more violent and militaristic which does not tolerate and accept any form of differences and critics. Within the last twenty years, it subjugated various attempts of resistance such as army revolts (1993), protest of disabled veterans (1994), G-15’s reformation (2001) and Forto Movement (2013).  Huge human power remains under forced military conscription. A large number of students are located in substandard colleges with a military surveillance which causes continuous brain drain of intellectuals and fled of massive youth to neighboring countries looking for better futurity. And thousands of Eritreans suffers in jail without trial and bail. In my perspective, at this moment the citizens get suffered not because of the PIA has political and economic legitimacy, but you and me could not establish a ‘unified struggle’ with true reflection of the suffered people.

Tomas has done a lot of efforts to associate Eritrean case with South African struggles though the ground, nature, character and implications have been quite different from what we are experiencing to liberate our country at this moment.  But, the four pillars that he has mentioned seem very significant whenever they get proper assessment and application in the context of Eritrea. However, the justifications and analysis, brought by Thomas, to substantiate the significance of foreign intervention in Eritrean case undermining the home based change lacks objectivity and proper conceptualization. Obviously, it is very necessary to get unconditional ground and facilities in Ethiopia, but Eritreans must be the drivers of their cause; and must secure the interest of their people under any circumstances since they have a national obligation and responsibility. Otherwise, if Eritreans take the support of Ethiopia as “manna” as such falling from sky, they need to revise their network.

Some of the readers forwarded the following comments with mixed feelings:

Tesfamicael: 100% I agree with you [Thomas]

Denden: Extremely POOR article!

Tes: This is the best article has ever written about how we can solve the impasse in opposition and how to adapt a strategic method of struggle.

Thomas (Commentator): Great article, Tomas. If Ethiopia desires to see a puppet regime in Eritrea, it already has one. That is the regime of Dictator Issayas who has isolated the country from the world and by turning into a mafia states, our has been sanctioned over and over.

The Truth: I don’t know what’s worse, the article or the people who state that it’s great. A majority of the Eritrean people reject Ethiopian intervention. Why can’t brain dead opposition members see that? Has the hate in your heart all but clouded your minds?

TwoWayStreet: This is my concern, because at this moment it is non-existent. In case of a PFDJ sudden downfall, there is no viable Eritrean entity to fill the void which opens the door to Ethiopian intervention in the name of regional peace, security, stability…etc. This could be done either independently through the blessing of the international community or through a puppet organization. (Remember we still don’t have a united opposition group that could fend off any outside pressure, and remember that Ethiopia is driving the IGAD, AU, and UN regarding Eritrean issues).
TwoWayStreet summarizes the “unfounded Ethiopia’s ulterior motives”: dissolving the federation and forced annexation of Eritrea; ambition to have access to sea; diplomatic muscles in steering IGAD, AU, the UN another international forces and the existence of chevonestic national feeling to unite Eritrea with Ethiopia.

Kalighe: We want good relations with Ethiopia, and should work hard to improve every aspect of that relation in a way that helps build trust, mutual interest and durable peace among the two countries. However, we should never be under any illusion that, it has dropped it’s territorial ambitions…

In spite of its significant feedback, I am interested to view the justifications more critically, because he attempted to substantiate the necessity of foreign intervention in Eritrea without considering certain historic roots, political attributing factors and socio-economic, ethnographic, demographic, religious consequences. It is subject for research how the common people define Ethiopia as a strategic ally or permanent enemy. Let me state some of his points:

Tomas: In doing so, Ethiopian government has been clear about its goals and priorities when it comes to dealing with Eritrea; they know the PFDJ regime can’t be trusted again, they want a strong ally government on the north, and they want good economic cooperation between the two countries. For Eritreans, building alliances with Ethiopia and other countries present great benefits as well. Those benefits can be broadly categorized into pre and post the fall of PFDJ opportunities.

ME: In my view this is a ‘DIPLOMATIC SPEECH’ that may happen or may not be happened. But in politics what we need to see critically- there are overt and covert approaches. We cannot reach in conclusion whether Ethiopia needs passive or puppet or strong government in North/Eritrea. Through our history of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia has hegemonic character- suppressing the aspiration of Oromo and Ogaden people for liberation; violating the free worship of Ethiopian Muslims; displacing and persecuting indigenous people in Gambela and other areas; jailing and torturing critical journalists and political dissidents under the law of terror and currently contradicting the final and binding boarder agreement with Eritrea. (http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2011/af/186196.htm). I do believe that we have sick home; no doubt, we need absolute change in Eritrea. But, I do not believe that a sick system with some “epidemic problem” can bring a good medication to our home. These sick systems should be medicated separately considering its particularities to avoid further unnecessary infections.

Tomas: Without a doubt, PFDJ’s xenophobia and its attempts to gain unfair political and economic advantages over Eritrea’s neighboring countries has played a key role in escalation of hostilities in the region. Consequently, Eritrean movements share the responsibility of clearing mistrust that was spawned by PFDJ for over two decades. In post PFDJ Eritrea, depending on a number of variables, including healthy doses of economic and political ties between Eritrea and its neighbors will create prosperity in the region and avoid destructive competition that may otherwise arise between them. Therefore, Eritrean movements should take first steps to bridge the gap between Eritrea and neighboring countries and to educate the public about the short and long term opportunities of building geostrategic alliances with supportive states.

Me: Mr. Tomas said, “[PFDJ] attempts to gain unfair political and economic advantages over Eritrea’s neighboring countries [which] has played a key role in escalation of hostilities in the region. Primarily, stating Eritrea narrowly as key player for destabilization of the Horn of Africa is absurd, inconsiderate and undocumented which totally ignores the grass root of the conflict and the geo-political interest of foreign powers before PFDJ appeared to scene. Nonetheless, I do accept the PROXY WAR between Eritrea and Ethiopia which has worsened the political tectonic of the region. I do not find your analysis is impartial conceiving the government of Ethiopia as “Good Samaritans in the Horn of Africa”. We need to address the situation in more fair, sincere and balanced way finding out all the attributing factors which lead to chronic conflict in the Horn of Africa. But political oriented analysis usually brought confusion and harms the validity of your work as writer.

In spite of the fact that I do not have the precise figure of unfair economic gains of Eritrea over Ethiopian resource, there are some sources which shows that Eritrea had illegal collection of foreign currency, coffee and minerals. From legal point of view, it is unacceptable, but equally it is unacceptable that the unilateral decision of the Government of Eritrea to allow Ethiopia to use Port of Asseb (i.e. Eritrean resource) almost for free. At this moment the annual expenditure of Ethiopia in Port of Djibouti reaches closer to ONE BILLION US DOLLARS. How much money that Eritrea was losing for the first 7 years (1991-1998). How much profit did Eritrea get involving in illegal collection foreign currency and other resources? Only professional economists can give us a clear mathematical precision: Who was exploiting? Who was being exploited? Personally, for the sake of sustainable peace in the region, I support mutual interest and mutual growth to neutralize such unhealthy economic competitions and political conspiracy.

Tomas: Additionally, disillusionment with previous wars and tireless PFDJ propaganda portraying Ethiopia as having ulterior motives has undeniably implanted isolationist mentality in some Eritreans. Although this mentality is common among PFDJ supporters, few anti-PFDJ Eritreans have not yet grown out of it, leading them to adopt slogans such as “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems”. By adopting these slogans, they claim a desirable and authentic Eritrean solution to Eritrean problems can be achieved only if the people residing in Eritrea plan and remove the regime. Although, these slogans sound compelling, they often lack insight and are normally accompanied by ambiguous goals and trivial actions, which sometimes do more harm to the cause than good.

Me: Putting aside the propaganda machine of PFDJ, I am always worried with increasing political incubation of political parties in the soil of Ethiopia without solid, insightful and meaningful political agenda and program established along the lines of ethnicity, religion, and region which do not give prioritization to the common national problems that we have. Most of the opposition parties lose mass support as they fail to realize and click the aspiration of the people. Some of the sections claim ethnic based secessionism; and others systematically reviving the sentiment of “Unionism” undermining the values Eritrean armed struggle for independence instead of portraying the positive and negative merits of the struggle in more balanced and objective manners. No matter the existence or inexistence of ulterior motive of Ethiopia, I totally object the political chemistry of the opposition parties which promotes further division, hatred, tension, and competition among Eritrean societies that hamper the struggle for justice. These are the groups that you are expecting to take power with the blessings of foreign intervention.

Mr. Tomas, I don’t understand the intention of your article very precisely as you have attempted to stand against the approach such as “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems”.  I am confused with your political philosophy- Who is going to do your homework? Why do you ignore or at least undermine “home grown change”? What is wrong if Eritrean problems addressed by Eritreans? In my opinion, I do not believe that the existing government in Eritrea is a legitimated system; and it is not powerful enough to suppress mass based revolt for change if it gets erupted at any time, because the dissatisfaction extended from “A” up to “Z”. The government normally survives in power because you and me are very weak or probably self-centered expecting change at the expense of others or more explicitly like your whim waiting others to do “our assignments”. Unless we accept our weakness, who is going to accept it? Why do we fear self-correction and self-designed solution?

Naturally, in history there is no plain change without imprisonment, torture and sacrifice. We can liberate our country whenever we win to liberate ourselves from fear and egoism. Besides, we should eliminate the sub-national feelings concentrating to solve our national problems at national level.  If you don’t shoulder your responsibility, who is going to shoulder you? If you don’t trust on yourself, how others trust you? If you are not capable to solve your problems today, who is going to solve your problems tomorrow? Have you ever viewed the terrible consequences of foreign intervention in various countries such as Syria, Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Congo, and others?  I feel sorry as you are waiting medication from ill-medicated nation such as Ethiopia. Change must come purely from Eritreans; and it must go to serve Eritreans.

Tomas: The other option for “change from the inside only” or “Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems” ideologues is for a military coup d’état to take place in Eritrea. Although, it is possible for the Eritrean military to revolt and overthrow the regime, adopting this option as an independent and preferable solution is also problematic. First of all, any movement that claims to be fighting for justice should have plans and actions based on clear goals and objectives. Leaving the task of removing Eritrean regime to a military coup alone, which may or may not happen is an illogical strategy. Even if a military coup happens in the future, there is a great chance for it will be perpetrated by power hungry military officers seeking not to bring about structural regime change, but to rule the nation in their own way and without legitimacy.

Me: Tomas, we should not be necessary to be more desperate and pessimistic about the futurity of Eritrea. According to your article, foreign baked rebel army is more preferable to internal military coup d’état which has a great chance for it will be perpetrated by power hungry military officers seeking not to bring about structural regime change. Mr. Thomas, you should not have a prophetic political analysis to meet certain political ends or preoccupied objectives. In my eyes, we do not have an icon military officer in Eritrea as capable as PIA to establish another autocratic government; most of the army commanders do not respect each other. They live with fear and irreconcilable competition for self esteem and personal interest.

What confused me about your analysis is that you have an absolute trust on fragmented, immature and rival opposition parties baked by Ethiopia to safeguard our national interest ignoring the possibility of the internal coup as something architected by “power hungry military officers”. There is low probability that Eritrea will fall in the hands military regime though it may be necessary to be practiced during power transition or emergency. But, it is an illusion analysis that the practical change could be brought by certain ambitious political elites as most of the leaders in opposition block are obsessed with power struggle, ethnicity, religion and region prioritizing their self-interest and the interest of their organization.

In my perspective, genuine change can come only through mass based revolt or protest, not by particular group which has its own particular political agenda working to impose on its people as it is hard to create win-win situations when the undefined and untested political entities are selfish and egotistical. I do not have much expectation that one group which is incapable to manage itself is capable to manage others. Most of the opposition parties are living as “parasite” in host country.

Tomas: A movement that succeeds in building these four pillars may be able to rally Diaspora Eritreans behind its goals. Whereas, its military wing in coordination with underground networks inside Eritrea may carryout surprise attacks on selected government targets leading to the movement’s recognition by the international community and support for its cause.

Me: I always disagree with aggressive, militaristic and desperate action of the PFDJ which never ends the endless tears of our mothers. Brother Thomas, there is a logic which has to be considered: conflict usually brings other conflict. If we believe in violence to meet our political ends, we should not bit the drum of war putting ourselves in black suit with a magnificent necktie.

Don’t advise others to do what you don’t do yourself. Be vigilant the hardware of PIA is not more functioning, but the software is still active as it inculcates in the mind of many citizens. Our assignment is to develop well updated software which is powerful to replace the old and wrong software that is destructive in many instances. Our people should be enlightened, mobilized and organized with the right software to determine their futurity.

 

Conclusion

Human beings could not have the same nature as they posses different elements of personalities as Plato stated – rational elements (wisdom/ imbecility), spirited elements (courageous or cowardly) and appetitive element (physiological desires- egoist/altruist). The road for justice is not smooth; it is full of up and down. They are very few who are capable to travel along that road marching with brave heart and visionary mind to bring justice. If you fail to travel along that road, let others to continue their journey. I do believe that we have visionary leaders in opposition parties strove for true change.

Mr. Tomas, am I calling foreign intervention since PFDJ is a powerful and legitimated system in Eritrea or am I getting failed to enlighten, convince, mobilize and organize the mass to turn against the unjust system? Have I ever thought why I failed to do my assignment myself? Is there a free lunch on the face of the earth? What it costs me calling others to do my job? Is foreign intervention my political ego or the demand of the majority?  We need to do intensive research and public consultation for writing such article which is vague and biased.

“As long as you look for someone else to validate who you are by seeking their approval, you are setting yourself up for disaster. You have to be whole and complete in yourself. No one can give you that. You have to know who you are – what others say is irrelevant.”  Nic Sheff echoes.

If you want to build a strong, united, peaceful, democratic and prosperous nation,  we should give prior space to “Eritreocentric Solution”. Eritreans should be the architect of their futurity.

Adhonom Tewelde

Adhanomtewelde@gmail.com

July 21^st, 2013