Just recently Sryyet Addis, the alleged liquidation by ELF leaders of the 200-300 Christian-highlanders from Addis Abeba universities, one of the most controversial yet less talked about topics from the ghedli era, has been a hot-button issue as Awate staff posted an article entitled Sryyet Addis: Blatant Lie?.  The article was part of a three-part series wherein Awate team tried to present possible pieces of exculpatory evidence, such as the claimed first-hand testimony of Gebremedhin, in an effort to surmise the allegation of the manifesto Nihnan Elamanan, a watershed in the Eritrean politics, which among other things claimed the killing of the recruits. Consequently this last article ensued a huge debate, albeit civilly, among some readers, and between some of us readers and the staff of Awate. One of the sticky points was the disparaging comment mouthed off by Awate editorial regarding the ‘Falul’- insurgents who called for pact of unity with Sabe, according to Yosief Ghebrehiwet, and misguided mutineers with ambition to bring their idols to power, according to Awate staff. I believe that there are at least two things that are wrong about the article, thus my rational motive to write this rejoinder. However, I would like to stress from the outset that I don’t intend to defend EPLF’s horrendous crimes, their propaganda and lies to divide the people, in any way at all.

One of the things that raised my eyebrows has been the overmuch zeal, fervor, and weight the Awate team has shown towards Gebremedhin’s article\book. Since the release of the article by Gebremedhin, Awate almost has proclaimed ‘Eureka!’. After the discovery they leapt out of their bathtub, just like Archimedes did, and run through the streets of cyberspace naked, as if the article provided all the missing info. Indeed Gebremedhin must be praised profusely for taking the initiative to write about his experience allowing us new generation to have a piece to read specially on the era between late 60s to late 70s. This is the history being obscured in the mists of time as the few surviving first hand witnesses, and most particularly, the then movers and shakers of the Eritreans politics, who have kept silent all along, have been making off one by one to meet their maker. As much as Gebremedhin’s effort deserves compliment, it also nudges us to bear in mind that it as well is, just like the many afore-contributed articles- one person’s outlook. One cannot help but notice, like the shortcoming in almost all testimonies and articles of the ghedli era, the emotional and extremely subjective views of the writer throughout the story as translated by Awate.

One of the things one automatically notices is Gebremedhin’s use of a third-person omniscient narration as if he has psychic talent of reading and understanding what the leaders, mutineers, splinters were contemplating. At times he gets to the minds of the people (leaders, nationalists, anarchists, splinters etc…) he talks about and tells us what they were thinking and at other times he leaves out information. To just keep to the Sryyet Addis incident, Gebremedhin in his article writes that after the dissenters intention was discovered, 17 members were picked up and were accompanied (securely guarded?) by 12 fighters in Debir Sala. While under detention, he further explains, the members knew that their intrigue was discovered, and planned to take arms forcibly from the guards, kill them and escape and surrender to the enemy. When they attempted that derring-do but failed to succeed, he writes, the news spread and the majority of Sryyet Addis members assigned in other places fled and surrendered to the enemy, and the rest joined Selfi Natsinet. What is interesting is that, of all the members of Sryyet Addis, none was caught and given due punishment by ELF leaders, according to the writer. They all somehow escaped he wants us to believe. Here he had either ‘inattentionally blinded’ himself then or is leaving out some pieces of information intentionally. A witness who knew the mind-set and intricacies of the mutineers should have known what had happened to those who did not manage to escape. I believe that his article should not be viewed and considered to have contained more important and unwavering evidence than all the other articles written before.

Furthermore, the article does not tell what kind of position he had; whether he had access to important documents or not; and whether he had interviewed important people allowing him the freedom of relating the story in that manner. Thus, it becomes very hard to take what he claims at face value just like all similar other pieces written by others before. At this juncture of our history we need much more objective writings with substantive sourcing so that we don’t fall into the pitfall of misleading people- an action EPLF\PFDJ have undertaken and abhorred by all of us.

The second point that raised my eyebrows was that in its endeavor to disproof Nehnan Elamanan through the article of Gebremedhin, Awate made a big mistake of denigrating the ‘falul’ victims. In fact that was when the debate flared. Awate team thinks that ‘Falul’ movement was ‘a rebellion by a mish-mash of small groups which included the rebellious reform-minded youth; the insubordinate troublemakers; the anarchists; and those who were misguided and misdirected by their political idols whom they wanted to bring to power’(emphasis mine). Awate did not have to go to that length of badmouthing the deceased- ‘falulawiyan’. They are heroes for some of us. I could not help but wonder if Awate team would ever write such denigrating comment about the ELM (Harakat), which was attacked at Ela Tsaeda by the decision of the ELF supreme council decision in 1965, or other groups who were liquidated by the decisions of ELF leaders as they demanded for reform.

By and large, I believe that exposing Isayas’ deception and betrayal cannot and will not exalt ELF leaders from the crimes they committed. Trying to do so is just like blowing a sucker punch on the faces of Eritreans, especially on the surviving ELF fighters who know the inns and out of ELF leaders. Isayas and his co. are criminals of no match, but so are also those ELF leaders who directly or indirectly were involved in purging different fighters in the ghedli time. Awate failed to read the sensibilities of its readers. When I read the article I hoped against hope that Awate was playing the advocate of the devil. But when I further read the replies it wrote to readers’ comments, I was flabbergasted. When one professes on reconciliation, they should employ statements that reconcile us. We should be careful not to let our emotions betray us.

What is fishy is that Awate has not clearly and undoubtedly explained if sryyet addis has indeed happened. I would really love to hear from Awate if they believe or know whether the incident took place or not. One point worth making here is that the number of the fighter victims of the incident is just secondary. Whether they were only 2 or 3 victims, or 100 or 300 is one thing, and believing if it happened or not is something else. Awate has a clear stand on ‘falul’ but does not seem to have one on Sryyet Addis.

Last but not least, people who were in the ELF leadership owe it to the people of Eritrea and should know that it is their historic duty to write about the history of ELF in general and such incidents in particular. It is only when as many people who were first hand witnesses as possible record it in writing that we would be able to be closer to the truth. Articles like Ghebremedhin’s won’t be enough to exculpate ELF leadership, or EPLF’s for that matter, from the alleged killings they had committed. And highlighting the others’ crimes won’t also clear the other from its horrendous atrocities. Killings by leaders of both fronts are black spots in our history. Indeed presenting valid and acceptable evidence to keep the record straight should be everyone’s task.

Zeykesene.