Conditional Unconditional Unity from the Liberian Experience
Conditional Unconditional Unity from the Liberian Experience By Fetsum Abraham As you know, we have been discussing UNITY in the last few forum activities and I hope this article will provide the practical aspect of the theory
Conditional Unconditional Unity from the Liberian Experience
By Fetsum Abraham
As you know, we have been discussing UNITY in the last few forum activities and I hope this article will provide the practical aspect of the theory (conditional unconditional unity) based on the Liberian experience. The points discussed hereunder are the product of group participation in the forums and I thank all the individuals that have gotten us this far through genuine input. I will start this by going back to the forum and specially the issues raised by Petros Haile (the most articulate participant against the so said Unconditional Unity) firmly believing that the brother will accept our theory and be part of the struggle for a transitional government in Eritrea at this point in the transparent communication.
Petros: “The unconditional part is misplaced and it seems you are using it for a very populist propaganda to woo the unenlightened segment and for the purpose of public consumption …… I am having a difficult time distinguishing the slogans you guys often use from that of PFDJ..the DERG used [] Enat Hager woy mot, the Emperor Ethiopia woy mote and yours as [] unity or fragmentation, in fact the favorite slogan for PFDJ till recently was One nation, one heart and one destiny. Isn’t this the same as unconditional unity…, which is vogue in theory, very scary and God save us from the advocates of the unknown!! I am not sure if you are borrowing the term (unconditional) from the Ethiopian PM.”
Response: I do believe Mr. Adhanom has well answered all these labeling; the derivative of irrational bias to unconditional unity in his last article at ASSENNA. The answers were academic and I won’t repeat them here but I know they have effectively neutralized your “vogue in theory” conclusion. Nothing is unclear in this straight forward issue. Characterizing the proposal and complicating the simple theory by stigmatizing it with dictators in the past is strictly your right to do but irrelevant in my opinion to what we are talking about here. There is no relationship between the proposal and your associating it with the specific historical happenstances because all the slogans of past dictators you mensioned were permanent and unconditionally imposed upon people while the unity we are proposing here is temporary and conditional (please see the conditions pointed in the last article related to this issue). Therefore, there is a fundamental difference between your examples and our proposal.
Brother Petros’s tendency to relate my ideas with other dictatorial motos of the past (Mengistu’s, Afwerki’s, Bush’s and the Ethiopian PM) appear to me as desperate signs of resentment on the issue in question. This is normal, however, as long as we agree at the end of the day, which appears to be NOW.
Petros: “Fisum..here I feel like I am in a court room..listening to President Bush’as speech (are you with us or [with the] enemy…. Before you pretend you submitted a wise idea & the statement you made is a contradiction…”
Response: thank you for the input but do you think we can make the conditions itemized in the last article as said preconditions for unity? I expect an answer from you.
Brother Petros, we had to grill you on the merit like you have been grilling me on the same. The verdict in favor of our proposal is popular as you can see coming at you from the most active participants of the forum. I congratulate you for taking it to the limit and I admire your academic substance and induction of the current intense debate on the subject matter. But I feel like you need to challenge your fixation and move on so that we can work together ahead. There is no pretension here but direct approach to the problems at hand and the only way to avoid the “court” is vindicating the self by accepting the theory that has gotten popular support in view of the forum.
As for the “your preoccupation with unonditonal unity is unheard & please direct me which science is addressing this issue & it’s not even valid for romance!”, Zaul’s input in the forum delivers the answer based on the Liberian democratic process after President Charles was dislodged from power in 2003.
Original Accord Text in Brief
Accra Peace Agreement 2003
ARTICLE XX: INTERIM PERIOD
1. (a) With the exit of the President Charles Taylor of the Republic of Liberia, the GOL shall be headed by the Vice President for an interim period.
(b) The Vice President shall assume the duties of the current President for a period not beyond 14th October, 2003, whereupon the Transitional Government provided for in this Agreement shall be immediately installed.
1. (a) With the exit of the President Charles Taylor of the Republic of Liberia, the GOL shall be headed by the Vice President for an interim period.
(b) The Vice President shall assume the duties of the current President for a period not beyond 14th October, 2003, whereupon the Transitional Government provided for in this Agreement shall be immediately installed.
Comment: (b) guarantees the smooth transfer of power from dictatorship to the transitional government that was mandated to manage national issues including the army during the transitional period set by the groups involved.
ARTICLE XXI: ESTABLISHMENT OF A TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT
1. An all-inclusive Transitional Government to be called the National Transitional Government ofLiberia, (NTGL), is hereby established to replace the present Government of Liberia.
2. The NTGL shall be inaugurated and fully commence operations by 14th October, 2003 and its mandate shall expire on the third Monday of January 2006 when the next elected Government ofLiberia shall be inaugurated.
1. An all-inclusive Transitional Government to be called the National Transitional Government ofLiberia, (NTGL), is hereby established to replace the present Government of Liberia.
2. The NTGL shall be inaugurated and fully commence operations by 14th October, 2003 and its mandate shall expire on the third Monday of January 2006 when the next elected Government ofLiberia shall be inaugurated.
Comment: (1) tells that all politicians with different political outlooks were united under the NTGL to replace the government of Liberia. This is what we are trying to achieve in Eritrea vis-à-vis the opposition forces all over the world.
(2) sets the time limit condition of the transitional government to 3 years. Therefore, the unity of the Liberian politicians was temporary and time sensitive. Apparently, it would be similar in our situation if we choose to go this way to democracy (in fact the only way for us).
3. Immediately upon the installation of the NTGL in Liberia, all cabinet Ministers, Deputy and Assistant Ministers, heads of autonomous agencies, commissions, heads of public corporations and State-owned enterprises of the current GOL shall be deemed to have resigned. This does not preclude re-appointment according to the appropriate provisions of this Agreement.
Comment: this would be the fate of the current politicians serving the Eritrean regime should the Eritreans in unison succeed in forming a Transitional Government through unconditional temporary unity.
5. The LURD, MODEL, and all irregular forces of the GOL shall cease to exist as military forces, upon completion of disarmament.
Comment: This article instructs the different armed forces in Liberia to disarm under the Transitional Government. In our case, it can take place before or after forming the transitional government, preferably before. But, it is not mandatory to insist on disarming them as a condition for forming a transitional government as Petros insisted in his past, at least based on the Liberian experience which worked well at the end of the process.
6. There shall be no restriction on members of the LURD and MODEL to engage in national politics through the formation of political parties or otherwise, save and except those restrictions imposed on all parties and associations by the relevant laws of Liberia.
Comment: This article secures the healthy diversion of political forces from the united front to develop their parties and compete for power in democratic Liberia.This procedure was, however, conducted during the transitional period (the 3 years agreed upon). This would be ideal in our situation and can be done in practice if we honestly aim at democrastically changing the socio-political situation of our country for ever.
ARTICLE XXII: MANDATE OF THE NATIONAL TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT OF LIBERIA
2. In addition to normal State functions, its mandate shall include the following:
(a) Implementation of the provisions of the Ceasefire Agreement;
Comment: This does not apply in our case because we do not have a civil war.
(b) Overseeing and coordinating implementation of the political and rehabilitation programs enunciated in this Peace Agreement;
2. In addition to normal State functions, its mandate shall include the following:
(a) Implementation of the provisions of the Ceasefire Agreement;
Comment: This does not apply in our case because we do not have a civil war.
(b) Overseeing and coordinating implementation of the political and rehabilitation programs enunciated in this Peace Agreement;
Comment: This applies in our case because we have thousands of traumatized refugees that need medical and material rehabilitation immediatelly after Afwerki is nullified.
(c) Promotion of reconciliation to ensure the restoration of peace and stability to the country and its people;
Comment: This applies in our case because the badly needed reconciliation process of our people has so far been ignored by the regime
(d) Contribution to the preparation and conduct of internationally supervised elections in October 2005, for the inauguration of an elected Government for Liberia in January 2006.
Comment: This clearly states the responssibility of the transitional government which was to facilitate a democratically elected government in Liberia. It worked and so would in our case.
ARTICLE XXIII: STRUCTURE OF THE NTGL
The NTGL shall consist of three branches, namely:
(i) The National Transitional Legislative Assembly (NTLA);
(ii) The Executive; and
(iii) The Judiciary.
The NTGL shall consist of three branches, namely:
(i) The National Transitional Legislative Assembly (NTLA);
(ii) The Executive; and
(iii) The Judiciary.
Comment: the transitional government of Liberia according to this Accord was a fully operational government but a temporary one. Therefore, it had to comprise the three mandatory structures of a government to effectuate its obligations during the tranasitional period. In other words, it had a temporary constitution that only served during the transition periosd, replaceable by the NATIONA CONSTITUTION after it exhausted its mandate, otherwise. It worked and so would in our case.
ARTICLE XXV: THE EXECUTIVE
1. The NTGL shall be headed by a person to be called the Transitional Chairman. The Transitional Chairman shall be assisted by a Transitional Vice-Chairman.
2. Selection of the Transitional Chairman and Vice-Chairman shall be by consensus arising from a process of consultations undertaken by the accredited delegates and observers to the Peace Talks. The selection procedure is defined in Annex 2 to this Agreement.
1. The NTGL shall be headed by a person to be called the Transitional Chairman. The Transitional Chairman shall be assisted by a Transitional Vice-Chairman.
2. Selection of the Transitional Chairman and Vice-Chairman shall be by consensus arising from a process of consultations undertaken by the accredited delegates and observers to the Peace Talks. The selection procedure is defined in Annex 2 to this Agreement.
Comment: This process can be agreed upon first before put to effect. There should be few decent ways of erecting the Executive branch of the transitional government in Eritrea that can be agreed on by the groups within through a genuinely tranparent relationship.
Implementation Status
2003: President Taylor handed over his presidential power to Vice President Moses Blah on 11 August 2003 in accordance with the peace agreement’s stipulations (Source: Secretary General’s Report to the Security Council, 11 September 2003. S/2003/875).
The National Transitional Government of Liberia (NTGL) was inaugurated on 14 October 2003. The positions in the cabinet were allocated in accordance with the peace agreement. (Source: Secretary General’s Report to the UN Security Council, 15 December 2003. S/2003/1175).
2005: The power-sharing government continued in 2005 and prepared for Senate, Legislature and Presidential elections. The elections took place on October 11, 2005 and a second round of presidential elections on November 8, 2005.
2006-2010
After the 2006 elections, Liberia returned to a normalized political process by completing the transitional government provision of the Accra Peace Agreement 2003. The new government was installed in January 2006.
After the 2006 elections, Liberia returned to a normalized political process by completing the transitional government provision of the Accra Peace Agreement 2003. The new government was installed in January 2006.
Comment: The brief information above provides the procedure by which democracy was erected in Liberiathrough a transitional governement after dictator Charles left his post. Apparently, this procedure has been practiced and found to be the only way for a society to transform from dictatorship to democracy.
Conclusion: The conditions necessary for the Liberian forces to unite and form a transitional government towards the eventual elected government of Liberia were as follows:
1) Agreement on temporary unity to replace the Liberian government through a temporary government that comprises all forces in the country under a temporary constitution only valid for as long as the transition period lasts: the national constitution would then take over after election. (it worked well)
2) Agreement on the time limit of the temporary government. (it worked well)
3) Agreement on disarmament of different forces in the long run during the transition period. (it worked well)
4) The right of any group to diverge out as a political party and compete for power according to the law (National Constitution). (it worked well)
To rap it up, please work on similar experiences of societies and bring it here for everyone to be aware of. We can for example start learning from the Somalian experience and let us do it. The fact remains, however, that we can make it if we are genuine because others did it.
Refer to the following for complete detail of the Accord https://peaceaccords.nd.edu/matrix/status/58/powersharing_transitional_government
Thank You
Kombishtato June 12, 2013
June 12, 2013
Two Swedes charged with blackmailing Eritreans
(Agence France-Presse) Two Swedes who allegedly sought to profit from the kidnapping of Eritreans in Egypt faced charges Wednesday in a district court outside Stockholm of blackmailing exiled Eritreans in Sweden.
According to the indictment, Rasmi Almasri, 21, and Hussin Mohamed, 18, demanded that a Swedish-Eritrean woman pay them $33,000 (25,500 euros) in January and February, or a relative of hers living in Egypt would be murdered.
The Swedes relayed the demands of kidnappers in Egypt to the woman, whose relative was later killed, according to the TT news agency TT.
“In the event that the ransom sum wasn’t paid, the Eritrean man was to be killed and his organs removed from his body,” the prosecution said in the indictment.
According to the United Nations, Eritreans fleeing their authoritarian homeland are easy targets for human traffickers in the Sudanese desert, who abduct, exploit or kill them.
The United Nations, which runs a refugee camp on the Sudan-Egypt border, estimates that 80 percent of new arrivals leave the camp within two months for Khartoum, Egypt, Israel or further afield in search of better economic opportunities.
http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/afp/130612/two-swedes-charged-blackmailing-eritreans
Kombishtato June 12, 2013
The news says “Swedes” but the criminals are supposedly Eritreans named “Rasmi Almasri, 21, and Hussin Mohamed, 18,” serving their Egyptian Arab mafia capos.
Yohannes Mehari June 13, 2013
ህዝብና ወሪድዎ ዘሎ’ኮ ተራእዩ ኣይፈልጥን’ዩ᎓᎓
ንሕበር ጥራይ ኮምቢሽታቶ ᎓ እዚ ውን ክሓልፍ’ዩ᎓᎓
ahmed saleh June 13, 2013
Well , I restrain my self not to jump on conclusion but the name ” AL- MISRI ” is strange name to Eritreans .
In fact , it is common name to EGYPTIANS ( MESRAWIAN ) only .
MightyEmbasoyra June 13, 2013
+1
Kemal Ali June 12, 2013
Thank you brother Futsum,this is really a positive and timely in put, which could help us all to see the light beyond the dark(PFDJ) period. I think this time everybody have to prepare itself for the inevitable overthrow of the war mongering regime in our land.
Yohannes Mehari June 13, 2013
ክቡር ሓው ፍትጹም
ብጣዕሚ ኣገደሲ ስጉምቲ ᎓ ከይደኸምካ ቀጽሎ ᎓ ኣለና ምሳኻ ᎓᎓
Yohannes Mehari June 13, 2013
How did they turn into such monsters?
PFDJ NATIONAL CHARTER Adopted by the 3rd Congress of the EPLF/PFDJ
Naqfa, February 10-16, 1994
http://www.meadna.com/assets/IMAGE%20NEWS/MEADNA%20NEWS%20IMAGES/national-charter.pdf
“our objectives are:
o To establish a constitutional system whose constitution is drafted and
ratified with broad public participation, which respects basic human
rights, whose legislative, executive and judicial bodies check and
balance one another, in which the rule of law prevails throughout
Eritrea and which anchors the unity and development of the people of
Eritrea.
o On the basis of a constitution, to build a strong government and society
which accelerates nation-building, guarantees national unity, creates a
suitable climate for economic and social development, has broad social
foundations in both urban and rural areas, is open and participatory to
all sectors of society, guarantees balanced development, respects
citizens’ rights, is free from corruption, gives priority to national
interest, safeguards national independence and develops national
consensus.
o On the basis of a constitution, to strive to uphold basic human and
political rights, which include freedom of faith and of the press, the
right to political organization, peaceful demonstration, information,
work and education, freedom from fear and suppression and equality
under the law.
o To have a political system that fosters harmony among Eritrean people,
rejects and weakens all divisive tendencies, develops national institutions, and guarantees that nationalism and secularism are the
basis of all political activities. We must ensure that the political system
is based on the principle of complete and developing nationalism.
o To ensure that the political system is founded on people, guarantees the
participation of people in decisions on local and national affairs, is
built from the grass-roots, operates on the principles of
decentralization, political plurality, openness, tolerance and
accountability, respects basic rights to political organization and
freedom of expression and is a democratic, pluralist and participatory
system.
o To make the political system a multi-party system in which political
parties legally participate, and compete among themselves in a
peaceful and democratic way.
o To strive to establish and develop democratic institutions such as a free
and strong judicial body, various associations and movements (e.g.
those of women, farmers, youth and students), a conscious civil
society embracing trade unions and other non-governmental
institutions, and a free, trustworthy, critical and responsible press.
“
NIHATELATAT June 14, 2013
KKKKKK FITSUM WEDI MEKELE
AB MEKELE ZLO HOTEL ABA HAGOKHA KEMEY ALO?
Petros Haile June 15, 2013
Selam Fistum,
I think it’s important to read the entire process of peace making in Liberia, cut and paste would not do it … I recommend particularly the “Comprehensive Peace Agreement” to be read by every one, to understand the give and take nature of the entire process, and the resolutions they have reached at the end …. by the way comparing the Liberian situation to that of Eritrea is totally out of place … I will respond to your questions in a comprehensive manner … very soon !
Comprehensive Peace Agreement Between the Government of Liberia and the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) and the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) and Political Parties
(08-18-2003)
Posted by USIP Library on: August 20, 2003
Source Name: Text of the agreement e-mailed from the U.S. Department of State, Washington, D.C.
Date e-mailed: August 19, 2003 Note: The ceasefire agreement signed June 17, 2003 has been appended as Annex 1 of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
Agreement on Ceasefire and Cessation of Hostilities Between the Government of the Republic of Liberia and Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy and the Movement for Democracy in Liberia
(06-17-2003)
Posted by USIP Library on: June 19 2003
Source Name: Permanent Representative of the Republic of Liberia to the United Nations, New York, NY
Date faxed: June 19 2003
Abuja Agreement to Supplement the Cotonou and Akosombo Agreements as Subsequently Clarified by the Accra Agreement
(08-19-1995)
Posted by USIP Library on: March 26 2002
Source Name: Photocopied from the United Nations Information Center, Washington, D.C. In August 2000.
Source Document Number: U.N. Doc. No. S/1995/742
Date Digitized: November 4 2000
Acceptance and Accession Agreement
(12-21-1994)
Posted by USIP Library on: March 26 2002
Source Name: Photocopied from the United Nations Information Center, Washington, D.C. In August 2000.
Source Document Number: U.N. Doc. No. S/1995/7
Date Digitized: November 4 2000
Agreement on the Clarification of the Akosombo Agreement
(12-21-1994)
Posted by USIP Library on: March 26 2002
Source Name: Photocopied from the United Nations Information Center, Washington, D.C. In August 2000.
Source Document Number: U.N. Doc. No. S/1995/7
Date Digitized: November 4 2000
Akosombo Agreement
(09-12-1994)
Posted by USIP Library on: March 26 2002
Source Name: Photocopied from the United Nations Information Center, Washington, D.C. In August 2000.
Source Document Number: U.N. Doc. No. S/1994/1174
Date Digitized: November 4 2000
(Cotonou) Agreement
(07-25-1993)
Posted by USIP Library on: March 26 2002
Source Name: Photocopied from the United Nations Information Center, Washington, D.C. In August 2000.
Source Document Number: U.N. Doc. No. S/26272
Date Digitized: November 4 2000
August 20, 2003
Countries:
MightyEmbasoyra June 15, 2013
Petros,
You seem t have high caliber. Why don’t you write articles rather than these long responses?
My two cents.
Zaul June 20, 2013
Dear Petros,
where are you? You don’t have to solve the Eri-Ethio
border dispute you know 🙂 , Just give us an appetizer…